Read Online The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty By Daron Acemoglu,James A. Robinson
Read Online The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty By Daron Acemoglu,James A. Robinson
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Ebook About From the authors of the international bestseller Why Nations Fail, a crucial new big-picture framework that answers the question of how liberty flourishes in some states but falls to authoritarianism or anarchy in others--and explains how it can continue to thrive despite new threats. In Why Nations Fail, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argued that countries rise and fall based not on culture, geography, or chance, but on the power of their institutions. In their new book, they build a new theory about liberty and how to achieve it, drawing a wealth of evidence from both current affairs and disparate threads of world history. Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats, or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society. There is a Western myth that political liberty is a durable construct, arrived at by a process of "enlightenment." This static view is a fantasy, the authors argue. In reality, the corridor to liberty is narrow and stays open only via a fundamental and incessant struggle between state and society: The authors look to the American Civil Rights Movement, Europe’s early and recent history, the Zapotec civilization circa 500 BCE, and Lagos’s efforts to uproot corruption and institute government accountability to illustrate what it takes to get and stay in the corridor. But they also examine Chinese imperial history, colonialism in the Pacific, India’s caste system, Saudi Arabia’s suffocating cage of norms, and the “Paper Leviathan” of many Latin American and African nations to show how countries can drift away from it, and explain the feedback loops that make liberty harder to achieve. Today we are in the midst of a time of wrenching destabilization. We need liberty more than ever, and yet the corridor to liberty is becoming narrower and more treacherous. The danger on the horizon is not "just" the loss of our political freedom, however grim that is in itself; it is also the disintegration of the prosperity and safety that critically depend on liberty. The opposite of the corridor of liberty is the road to ruin.Book The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty Review :
The Narrow Corridor is the sequel to one of the best books ever.Last time around, authors Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson explained “Why Nations Fail.” In short, they said three things:1. There are two types of politics: inclusive and extractive2. There are two types of economic institutions: inclusive and extractive3. In order not to fail, your nation needs to have both, inclusive politics and inclusive economic institutions.The book caused a stir, because when it came out in 2012 China was riding high. Their magnum opus basically said this could not last, because Chinese politics are far from inclusive.On the other hand, it’s one thing to establish what the “boundary conditions” are that must be met for a nation not to fail and it is quite another to describe the steps to success. Their previous work does offer some insight regarding that process, but the thrust of the argument made is about the preconditions.This time, the authors attempt to set that straight. The Narrow Corridor is the course a nation must steer if it is actually to succeed!The conspiracy theorist in me says they’ve had this book ready to go, awaiting the moment when it’s clear that Chinese exceptionalism has run its course.In case you’re worried this is all about one country, rest assured that they’re are at it again: the Narrow Corridor invites you on a wild tour from ancient Uruk and Giglamesh to modern Syria and Assad, via• Solon’s Athens,• modern Lebanon,• the Tiv of rural Nigeria,• prophet Muhammad’s Egira,• chief Shaka’s Zululand,• Kamehameha’s Hawaii,• Shevardnadze’s Georgia,• the city-states of medieval Italy,• a very long study of English history including the Magna Carta,• the Byzantine Empire,• the Holy Roman Empire,• Prussia,• a full chapter on the history of authoritarianism in China,• another on the caste system of India,• the origins of the Swiss confederation,• the clan wars of Albania and Montenegro,• the success of Solidarnosc in Poland versus the failure of democracy to flourish in post-1989 Russia,• the emergence of democracy in Costa Rica versus the “repression of the Finca” in Guatemala,• the long shadow cast on American history by compromises made by both the founding fathers and FDR,• the gnocchi of Argentina,• the Tuxedo-clad orangutan that is the Colombian government,• the suppression of Liberian tribes by freed American slaves,• the rise of the House of Saud and the seeds of 9/11,• the dissolution of the Weimar Republic and the ascension to power of you-know-who,• Salvador Allende as the (very temporary) beneficiary of the secret ballot,• the popular demand for aristocratic leadership in thirteenth century Italy and its modern echos in the twenty-first century Americas,• the Rainbow Coalition that brought the end of Apartheid,• the brief Turkish flirtation with pluralistic democracy at the turn of the millennium,• the brutal rule of Congo by king Leopold of Belgium,• 1930’s Sweden,• post-war Britain,• post-war Japan (wow)The point of this tour is to illustrate via numerous examples the authors’ latest construct, the “Narrow Corridor” that lies between the power of the state Leviathan and the power of society.There are two fundamental conclusions:1. the power of society and the power of the state need to be in balance2. provided they are in balance, great things happen as they grow together. In particular, the state can offer more and more to its citizens, provided society also keeps growing stronger, so it can contain the growing power of the state.This nirvana the authors dub “the Shackled Leviathan.”The situation whereby the state dominates is called the “Despotic Leviathan.” That’s the kind of thing that’s going on in China today, with the author giving a decent account of how fun things are for the hundreds of thousands of people who are sent for “re-education through labor” every year. The opposite is the “Absent Leviathan.” That’s what you could observe in Lagos, Nigeria a short 20 years ago or, if you don’t have access to a time machine, in Lebanon today. Other pathologies are the “Cage of Norms,” (best observed in India, where society collectively enforces the caste system and the state be damned,) the “Paper Leviathan” (whereby a state has people manning all positions in government, but does not offer any services whatsoever to its citizens) and the “Broken Red Queen” (a reference to an allegory the authors annoyingly repeat all the time that I refuse to go into: the Red Queen is a character from Alice in Wonderland and the blight of this book; I’m not an idiot and I had to keep going back to page 41 to find out how the godforsaken Red Queen is relevant.)Economists love their 45 degree lines, I suppose, so the corridor is illustrated a bit like you stretched a condom down the diagonal of a chart that says “power of the state” on the Y axis and “power of society” on the X axis. Yeah, sorry, buy the book, have a look and tell me otherwise.To get into the corridor, you need to bring together “the two blades of the scissors,” namely inclusive bottom-up political traditions and state institutions. The authors’ favorite examples are modern England (where the pre-existing Franks had little peacetime hierarchy, but the conquering Romans introduced state institutions, planting the seed for successive parallel evolution of both state and society, eventually leading to the parallel structure of Parliament and the monarchy, via 1066, the Black Plague and the Magna Carta) and my hometown of Athens, where Solon succeeded in making the transition from Dracon’s laws (which amounted to little more than a codification of the societal norms of a tribal society) to the first Shackled Leviathan in history, by introducing very liberal measures (1. making it illegal to pawn one’s freedom for money on one hand and 2. allowing some representation of all free Athenians in public life) all while codifying the dominance of the aristocracy in political structures.The authors go to great lengths to emphasize that neither is this process automatic, nor pre-ordained, nor does it occur in one go. They don’t use the word “dialectic,” but you can see where they read this first…I make fun of their little box with the 45 degree line down the middle, but it’s actually a good shorthand if you want to demonstrate that to understand how events can push a nation toward “the corridor” you need to understand where it stood before.So if the nation starts “left” of the corridor, with the state more powerful than society, and the Black Plague hits, making labor scarce and moving power away from the state and toward the people, it matters how strong the state was to begin with. In England, where there was a legacy of bottom-up institutions, it was enough to move the proceedings into “the Narrow Corridor,” but in Eastern Europe it wasn’t, so for them eventually it was a non-event. (The same analysis is applied to post-1989 events, though the authors ought to additionally acknowledge a strong nationalist element to the divergence in outcomes between Russia and the rest of Eastern Europe)Similarly, a state could be in the corridor, but war could happen, which is always an endeavor best pursued with the state firmly in charge, rather than via “inclusive institutions” and if that state, like 18th century Prussia, for example, was already borderline autarchic, then it could find itself outside the corridor again.The converse is how the authors see the birth of the Swiss state, which was to the “right” of the Narrow Corridor, with a bunch of cantons living independently of one another, but banding together to fight an external threat. This moved them into the corridor, where they have happily lived ever since.Another pathology is the one the authors perceive to be afflicting the United States of America. In the case of the US, which was born when elites decided they no longer wanted to pay tax to the British king, a balance was struck between the Federal state, which sought to unify the country, and the individual States, where local business very much preferred to carry on pursuing extractive economic policies, often enforced via violent means. The authors view through this lens both the original interpretation of the Constitution as tolerating slavery and FDR’s tolerance of redlining, a compromise which they believe casts a long shadow all the way to the lack of workers’ rights in today’s South relative, say, to Detroit, and to the license the police force took in the recent Ferguson incident.In summary, tolerance of economically extractive institutions goes hand-in-hand with the necessary state violence to enforce them, which in turn translates into higher overall levels of violence, and that is the key to understanding gun ownership, higher incarceration rates etc.Not only that, the authors go on to say, but when issues arise that must be dealt with at the Federal level, the institutions are not in place whereby society (twice removed) can have an influence. As a result, the institutions in question evolve in isolation and with low accountability and that’s a bad thing, because they never earn the full trust of the people. To understand the Waco, Texas incident you must understand that the FBI never bothered to consider society’s expectations on how it treated Martin Luther King; to understand why we’re not batting an eyelid as we’re abandoning the Middle East to its fate you must take into account that nobody even imagined the state would be monitoring our every communication, as Edward Snowden revealed it has been. Compare and contrast with Denmark, where the question was put to its people on whether it should accumulate all their data and the people had enough confidence to resoundingly respond with a “yes.”It’s certainly an interesting angle!But the authors eventually get too cocky for my taste. Riding on a high horse, they go on to equate the election of Donald Trump to populist movements in medieval Italy and the election of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. They argue that the people got so fed up with elites looking after themselves after the financial crisis, that they elected to office a populist demagogue whose only positive attribute was that he did not belong to the elite.Not quite! Perhaps because, in contrast to Chavez and Maduro and their ilk, the 44th president was a decent man, the authors basically fail to identify that it was Barack Obama who won that rebound, a charismatic black community organizer who campaigned on Change. It is only after it transpired that he was a mild conservative, wasting two full terms proving he could be a “no drama” President for all Americans (no mean feat, God knows, and perhaps good enough a legacy, but not our point here) that, in desperation, the American people voted in a candidate who really looked like he might actually bring the temple down.And the sad thing is that PERFECT parallels exist to Trump, in countries where I’d love to have seen the authors apply their tools. Silvio Berlusconi springs to mind first, but populist businessmen in power can currently also be found across all of Eastern Europe.Anyway, you sleepwalk through the Narrow Corridor, but at some point you eventually ask yourself the inevitable question:THE NARROW CORRIDOR TO WHERE EXACTLY?The answer is underwhelming, but it brings us back to China and to the heart of this book. Quoting from page 234:“Chinese growth is not likely to peter out in the next few years. But as with other episodes of despotic growth, its existential challenge lies in unleashing large-scale experimentation and innovation. Like all previous instances of despotic growth, it is unlikely to succeed in this.”So the objective whose pursuit the authors study for 496 pages is growth.Success, here, is one and the same as GDP growth.Agh.Still, this was a very thought-provoking read. This books tempts readers with an interesting idea based on Hobbes’ Leviathan. However, it is nothing more than a simplistic promotion of political correctness, identity politics and arguments supporting a continued growing state.The authors do not like Hayek, but anyone tempted to read this book, would do much better reading Hayek and particularly his “The Road to Serfdom”.The authors pretend to support free market economics, however, they don’t like the price mechanism of free markets and suggests it lacks the “political”element of pricing. This alone undermines the whole fabric of the free market and the authors happily ignores this.They happily salute the Swedish model and describes elaborately in much too great detail what happened up to 1976 in Sweden, and they do so with great fanfare. Unfortunately, that was the time when Sweden entered its worst economic recession which sacrificed economic growth and jobs. Is that really a model to emulate?Equally, they celebrate Beveridge’s report produced during the war and implemented after the war, with the eventual unfortunate consequences of economic stagnation resulting from labor unrest and economic stagnation with high inflation, loss of economic competitiveness and devaluations of the £.Why Examples like these are such models for emulation is very hard to understand.The American Constitution equally gets an unfavorable mention. In particular the treatment of the slavery issue is superficial and distorted. Slavery is obviously an incredibly issue in America’s history. It is completely,ex and does not benefit from superficiality. Read Sean Wilentz’ book “No Property in Man” in order to get a far more thorough and thoughtful discussion of slavery during the discussion of the Constitution.The authors completely ignores the need for reforming education and removing the influence of teacher unions in particular in USA. To increase people’s standard of living and improve freedom of choice can only happen with far better education at all educational levels. Unfortunately, this takes time, but the longer society waits the longer and further children will fall behind in the USA.This book is a waste of time and hugely disappointing. 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